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Cumulative faithfulness effects: Opaque or transparent?
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In: IULC Working Papers; Vol 8 No 2 (2008): Phonological Opacity Effects in Optimality Theory ; 1524-2110 (2018)
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Abstract:
Recent research has focused on the effects of cumulative markednessthat is, phonologies in which the violation of multiple lower-ranked markedness constraints can override the violation of a higher-ranked faithfulness constraint (e.g., Pater et al. 2007b). This paper explores the converse of the cumulative markedness problem: phonologies with cumulative faithfulness effects. In these languages, violations of multiple lower-ranked faithfulness constraints can gang up on a single higher-ranked constraint to eliminate outputs that are unfaithful in multiple ways, while allowing singly-unfaithful outputs to survive. Such effects are explored in the loanword phonologies of Fula and Hawaiian. Traditional optimality theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004), even with local constraint conjunction (e.g., Smolensky 1995) is shown to have difficulties accounting for cumulative faithfulness effects; Harmonic Grammar is demonstrated to be a viable alternative. The question of whether these effects should be considered opaque or transparent is also addressed.
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URL: https://scholarworks.iu.edu/journals/index.php/iulcwp/article/view/25825
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An opacity-tolerant conspiracy in phonological acquisition
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In: IULC Working Papers; Vol 8 No 2 (2008): Phonological Opacity Effects in Optimality Theory ; 1524-2110 (2018)
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