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1
Phasehood and Phi-Intervention
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Coordination without grammar-internal feature resolution
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Identity Conditions on Ellipsis
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Functional structure in the noun phrase: revisiting Hebrew nominals ...
Preminger, Omer. - : Ubiquity Press, 2020
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5
Functional structure in the noun phrase: revisiting Hebrew nominals
In: Glossa: a journal of general linguistics; Vol 5, No 1 (2020); 68 ; 2397-1835 (2020)
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Functional structure in the noun phrase: revisiting Hebrew nominals ...
Preminger, Omer. - : Glossa: a journal of general linguistics (Ubiquity Press), 2020
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7
Functional structure in the noun phrase: revisiting Hebrew nominals
Preminger, Omer. - : Ubiquity Press, 2020
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8
Functional structure in the noun phrase: revisiting Hebrew nominals
Preminger, Omer. - : Glossa: a journal of general linguistics (Ubiquity Press), 2020
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9
An analysis of negation-dependent times amwu-phrases in Korean, and its theoretical consequences
Bae, Sooyoung. - 2020
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10
The Agreement Theta Generalization
In: Glossa: a journal of general linguistics; Vol 4, No 1 (2019); 102 ; 2397-1835 (2019)
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11
What the PCC tells us about “abstract” agreement, head movement, and locality
In: Glossa: a journal of general linguistics; Vol 4, No 1 (2019); 13 ; 2397-1835 (2019)
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12
What the PCC tells us about “abstract” agreement, head movement, and locality ...
Preminger, Omer. - : Ubiquity Press, 2019
Abstract: Partial funding for Open Access provided by the UMD Libraries' Open Access Publishing Fund. ... : Based on the cross- and intra-linguistic distribution of Person Case Constraint (PCC) effects, this paper shows that there can be no agreement in ϕ-features (person, number, gender/noun-class) which systematically lacks a morpho-phonological footprint. That is, there is no such thing as “abstract” ϕ-agreement, null across the entire paradigm. Applying the same diagnostic to instances of clitic doubling, we see that these do involve syntactic agreement. This cannot be because clitic doubling is agreement; it behaves like movement (and unlike agreement) in a variety of respects. Nor can this be because clitic doubling, qua movement, is contingent on prior agreement—since the claim that all movement depends on prior agreement is demonstrably false. Clitic doubling requires prior agreement because it is an instance of non-local head movement, and movement of X0 to Y0 always requires a prior syntactic relationship between Y0 and XP. In local head movement (the kind that is already permitted under the Head ...
Keyword: acquisition; agreement; anti-locality; head-movement; locality; morphology; PCC; syntax
URL: https://dx.doi.org/10.13016/gl1k-9ymy
http://drum.lib.umd.edu/handle/1903/25324
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13
What the PCC tells us about “abstract” agreement, head movement, and locality
Preminger, Omer. - : Ubiquity Press, 2019
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14
The Agreement Theta Generalization
Polinsky, Maria; Preminger, Omer. - : Ubiquity Press, 2019
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15
How can feature-sharing be asymmetric? Valuation as Union over geometric festure structures
In: A Pesky Set ([2017]), S. 493-502
Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
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16
When does ellipsis occur, and what is elided?
Park, Dongwoo. - 2017
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17
Case in Sakha: are two modalities really necessary?
In: Springer Netherlands (2016)
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18
Nominative as "No Case at All": An argument from Raising-to-accusative in Sakha
In: Proceedings of the 9th Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics (WAFL9) ([2015]), S. 109-120
Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
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19
Agreement and its failures
Preminger, Omer. - Cambridge, Mass., [u.a.] : The MIT Press, 2014
Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
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20
Agreement and its failures
Preminger, Omer. - Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.] : The MIT Pr., 2014
MPI-SHH Linguistik
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