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Preverbal subjects in Makkan Arabic: A feature-inheritance approach
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| 2 |
A corpus-based study on the grammaticalization of được in Vietnamese
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Analysis of referring expressions in political texts translated from English to Arabic
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| 4 |
A sociolinguistic analysis of plural marking in Nigerian Pidgin English
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| 5 |
Defining distinctiveness: A computational and experimental analysis
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Binding, Possessives, and the Structure of DP
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In: North East Linguistics Society (2020)
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Morphologically-marked Transitivity Alternations in Makkan Arabic: Morphology as a Reflex of Argument Structure
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| 8 |
English-Chinese bilingual children’s reading: An exploration of influences of learning a distinct writing system through visual processing
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| 9 |
Probes and pronouns: variation in agreement and clitic doubling in Arabic
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| 10 |
Further Topics in Iranian Linguistics : Proceedings of the 5th international conference on Iranian Linguistics, Held in Bamberg on 24-26 August 2013
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Ghomeshi, Jila. - Paris : Association pour l'Avancement des Etudes Iraniennes, 2016
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Institut für Empirische Sprachwissenschaft
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UB Frankfurt Linguistik
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| 11 |
Pseudo wh-fronting: a diagnosis of wh-constructions in Jordanian Arabic
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Abstract:
This thesis provides an in-depth analysis of wh-question formation in Jordanian Arabic (JA) and presents a uniform approach that can accommodate all of its various wh-constructions. JA makes use of five different wh-constructions, four of which involve clause-initial wh-phrases and the fifth is a typical in-situ wh-construction. Although wh-phrases surface clause-initially in four different wh-constructions in JA, I propose that bona fide wh-movement to [Spec, CP] does not occur in any of these constructions, whether overtly in syntax or covertly at LF. I abandon the classification of JA as a wh-movement language (Abdel Razaq 2011) and focus instead on identifying the syntactic role that wh-phrases realize and the underlying structures that feed each wh-construction. I propose that the clause-initial position of the wh-phrase results either from the syntactic function that the wh-phrase serves or from other syntactic operations that are independently attested in JA. There are three clause-initial positions that the wh-phrase can occupy: it surfaces in [Spec, TP] when functioning as the subject of a verbal or verbless structure, in [Spec, TopP] when functioning as a clitic-left-dislocated element (as in CLLD questions and ʔilli-interrogatives involving PRON), or in [Spec, FocP] when undergoing focus fronting. Thus, all instances of clause-initial wh-phrases in JA constitute what I refer to as “pseudo wh-fronting”, as the clause-initial position of the wh-phrase arises from mechanisms other than canonical wh-movement to [Spec, CP]. To account for the interpretation of wh-phrases in JA, I adopt a binding approach in which a null interrogative morpheme (Baker 1970; Pesetsky 1987; Chomsky 1995) unselectively binds the wh-phrase regardless of its surface position, whether clause-initial or clause-internal (in-situ). A major implication of this analysis is that JA is a concealed wh-in-situ language of the Chinese type although it looks at a cursory glance as though it were a wh-movement language of the English type. A broader typological implication of my analysis is the convergence of Cheng’s (1991) Clausal Typing Hypothesis to which JA previously appeared to constitute a counterexample. The recognition of the null interrogative particle, or its optional overt realization as the Q-particle huwweh, as the locus of interrogative clause typing in all JA wh-questions entails that JA employs just one unique strategy to type a clause as a wh-question, as predicted by Cheng’s Clausal Typing Hypothesis, regardless of whether the wh-phrase surfaces clause-initially or clause-internally. ; February 2017
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Keyword:
Clausal typing hypothesis; Clitic-left-dislocation; Concealed wh-in-situ; Focus fronting; In-situ wh-construction; Jordanian Arabic; Linguistics; Null interrogative particle; Pseudo wh-fronting; Q-particle; Syntactic analysis; Unselective binding; Wh-question formation
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URL: http://hdl.handle.net/1993/31940
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| 16 |
Heritage language maintenance and loss in an Iranian community in Canada: successes and challenges
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