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An experimental investigation of the deep double-o constraint in Japanese causative constructions
In: Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; Vol 7, No 1 (2022): Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; 5226 ; 2473-8689 (2022)
Abstract: The double-o constraint (DoC) (Harada, 1973) was proposed to explain the ungrammaticality of having two or more noun phrases (NPs) marked by the accusative case marker -o in a single Japanese clause. Poser (2002) argued for two types of DoCs: the surface double-o constraint (SDoC) and the deep double-o constraint (DDoC). The DDoC prohibits two accusative arguments in a single argument structure and is not affected by the number of accusative case markers on the surface. The evidence is from Japanese causatives. Our study conducted an experiment to test the DDoC and found that it may not exist.
Keyword: case marker; causative; double-o constraint; Japanese; Syntax
URL: http://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/PLSA/article/view/5226
https://doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v7i1.5226
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