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On the proper treatment of weak determinism: Subsequentiality and simultaneous application in phonological maps
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Comparing Positional Licensing Patterns in HG and OT
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In: Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology; Proceedings of the 2020 Annual Meeting on Phonology ; 2377-3324 (2021)
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Unbounded circumambient patterns in segmental phonology
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In: PHONOLOGY, vol 37, iss 2 (2020)
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Rule Interaction Conversion Operations
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In: Loquens, vol 6, iss 2 (2020)
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Questioning to Resolve Transduction Problems
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In: Proceedings of the Society for Computation in Linguistics (2020)
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Cumulative constraint interaction and the equalizer of OT and HG
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In: Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology; Proceedings of the 2019 Annual Meeting on Phonology ; 2377-3324 (2020)
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Rule Interaction Conversion Operations
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In: Loquens, vol 6, iss 2 (2019)
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Rule Interaction Conversion Operations ; Operaciones de conversión de interacciones de reglas
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In: Loquens; Vol. 6 No. 2 (2019); e062 ; Loquens; Vol. 6 Núm. 2 (2019); e062 ; 2386-2637 ; 10.3989/loquens.2019.v6.i2 (2019)
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Phonological opacity as local optimization in Gradient Symbolic Computation ...
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Phonological opacity as local optimization in Gradient Symbolic Computation
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In: Proceedings of the Society for Computation in Linguistics (2018)
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Harmonic Grammar and Harmonic Serialism
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In: PHONOLOGY, vol 34, iss 3 (2017)
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Apparent ‘sufficiently similar’ degemination in Catalan is due to coalescence
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In: Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America, vol 2, iss 4 (2017)
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Apparent ‘sufficiently similar’ degemination in Catalan is due to coalescence
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In: Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; Vol 2 (2017): Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; 4:1–9 ; 2473-8689 (2017)
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The Tunica Stress Conspiracy Revisited
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In: Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology, vol 3 (2016)
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Abstract:
Kisseberth (1970b) distinguishes rules in Tunica (Haas 1940) that are subject to a constraint penalizing adjacent stresses from rules that are not subject to this constraint. This distinction appears on the surface to be particularly suited to a straightforward analysis within OT (Prince & Smolensky 1993): No-Clash is ranked above constraints responsible for the rules that are subject to it and below constraints responsible for the rules that are not. The full range of relevant facts in Tunica suggest that No-Clash is only crucially dominated and violated lexically, however; postlexically, No-Clash is undominated and there are no adjacent stresses on the surface. An analysis is within Stratal OT (Bermúdez-Otero 1999, Kiparsky 2000) is proposed and defended.
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URL: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0t71s39s
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Exceptionality in Spanish Stress
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In: Catalan Journal of Linguistics, vol 15, iss 0 (2016)
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